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The city of God lay deep in the Ozark hills of northeastern Oklahoma, at the end of six miles of dirt road. Young men in thrown-together fatigues guarded the gates to the domed church of Elohim City. The church was the center of community life for the isolated settlement, host to charismatic morning prayers and evening assemblies. It flew Christian banners and Confederate flags. Polygamy was encouraged and patriarchy enforced.

Non-domestic work for women was forbidden. They considered themselves the real Israelites, not those descendants of the devil who called themselves Jews. That was what Christian Identity, the religion practiced at Elohim City, instructed. No one at the compound ate pork, and children at its school learned Hebrew.

Their faith ordained that the chosen people—descended from the northern European countries that these true Israelites settled—separate themselves in preparation for the reckoning to come. A monstrosity called the Zionist Occupational Government ZOGa cabal of Jews, had subverted America, the intended home of the chosen, and empowered their subhuman puppets. A local boy sang visitors a song about murdering Barney the dinosaur. Millar said that a vision from Yahuah had led him on the path to both America and Christian Identity. A polygamist known to his followers as Grandpa, Millar had founded Elohim City inand about half its populace at any given time were members of his extended family.

Christian Identity did not accept the Rapture foretold in Revelation. The Second Coming would instead result from struggle—an armed struggle to racially cleanse the world, probably after an economic collapse that would bring down this mongrel civilization. The heavily armed residents of Elohim City meant to triumph in the rough life to come. Under the tutelage of a German Army veteran named Andreas Strassmeir, they drilled in marksmanship and repurposed old ammunition crates into building materials.

That established the community as a safe haven not only for Christian Identity believers but for fellow-traveling neo-Nazis, as well as violent criminals. These included members of a gang called the Aryan Republican Army, which aimed to finance the white revolution by robbing banks across the Midwest while wearing Point Break -inspired masks of ex-presidents.

Another was the leader of a white supremacist militia, the Covenant, Sword and Arm of the Lord CSAwhich had forced law enforcement into a three-day standoff in Arkansas in Murrah Federal Building in Oklahoma City.

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According to an informant for the Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco and Firearms, a wiry former soldier, firearms enthusiast, and white revolutionary named Timothy McVeigh was present at Elohim City in July An infantryman from Buffalo, McVeigh had already begun preparing for the revolution by the time he enlisted in the army in He called Black soldiers by slurs, perceived their insolence everywhere, and seethed that the army was too politically correct to discipline them.

At the same time, McVeigh flagrantly violated army regulations by smuggling at least twenty guns into his Fort Riley barracks. He spent his spare time at gun shows, which were not only a means to amass his arsenal but a way to make money. McVeigh left the army ina time when he thought the United States was sending als of an intensifying persecution of whites. Not long afterward the new president, Bill Clinton, introduced a regime of background checks for gun purchasers and then a ban on semiautomatic rifles and other weapons of the sort McVeigh stockpiled.

McVeigh, working as a security guard in Buffalo, told a colleague that he had driven to Texas to support the doomed Branch Davidians. He was openly talking about avenging them. By purchasing massive amounts of ammonium nitrite, McVeigh could construct a 4,pound bomb. He and Nichols would steal blasting caps from a construction site, rent a Ryder truck, assemble the bomb, and drive it to the Murrah building for detonation.

To prevent any confusion about why the attack was perpetrated, McVeigh chose April 19 as his day of reckoning. He would later claim that the evening darkness prevented him from seeing that the building housed a day care center on its second floor. Two weeks before the attack McVeigh placed a phone call to Elohim City.

His other option was another white-supremacist training camp, this one belonging to the National Alliance, the party founded by Turner Diaries author William Pierce. He was unable to reach either of them.

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But McVeigh considered whatever happened to him to be less important than his ability to inspire the revolution that would follow. While the blast killed some instantly, many more were crushed and buried alive. Twenty-year-old Daina Bradley was running an errand at the Social Security office when the ground floor caved in. Rubble pinned her arm and her leg as frigid water pooled beneath her. For hours she stared up at a concrete slab whose fall had stopped just short of crushing her skull. Rescue workers who found her had to amputate her leg to extract her before the rubble shifted and killed them all.

Nineteen of the victims were children. It was, at the time, the worst terrorist attack in American history. Journalists and their law-enforcement sources immediately knew the culprits of the Murrah bombing: Muslims. Only two years had passed since Ramzi Yousef set off an explosive at the World Trade Center; Oklahoma City must have been a follow-on attack. CNN reported, then retracted, that Middle Easterners were under immediate law-enforcement suspicion.

With culpability established, commentary turned to what action needed to be taken. In the New York tabloid Newsdaycolumnist Jeff Kamen typified the public appetite for a response to jihadists. Treating the bombing as merely a crime would only encourage further attacks. The presumption of Muslim guilt had consequences.

Ibrahim Abdullah Hassan Ahmed, an Oklahoma City man born in Palestine, attempted to fly to Jordan and was questioned by police at his connection in Chicago. When he had to rebook after missing his flight, officials intercepted him in London and sent him back to Oklahoma City. False reports circulated that he had bomb-making equipment in his luggage; the FBI insisted he was never a suspect.

Several Elohim City residents, including security chief Andreas Strassmeir, whose card McVeigh carried in his wallet, reportedly decamped from the compound ahead of April If they feared arrest, it never came. But investigators were unable to substantiate her tip that the compound possessed an illegal M60 machine gun, which was the likeliest way to charge Strassmeir with a crime.

The compound faced little post-Oklahoma City scrutiny beyond the occasional visit from journalists and academics. The infrastructure was loose by de, rather than organized into a coherent network.

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That suited people and groups who preferred living in the rugged country, as far as possible from the reach of the government. It also reflected the influence of Louis Beam. Its goal was the reconquest of America. Journalists typically waited until the later paragraphs of their articles to identify McVeigh as a white supremacist, if they did at all. In his interviews with journalists, McVeigh stressed themes that had broad purchase with Americans who might have benefited from white supremacy but did not aver it as a creed.

March 12, 2000: Timothy McVeigh speaks

He had acted, he insisted, in the traditions of the Founding Fathers. America had lost its way in a globalizing world, its government having become alien to the people whose liberty it was supposed to protect.

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McVeigh, the decorated Gulf War veteran, was disgusted by all the foreign wars his corrupted government was waging. Shooting suspected white supremacist guerrillas on sight, deporting them, seizing whites from their airplane seats for the misfortune of being the wrong race in the wrong place at the wrong time were unthinkable options. Yet white supremacist terrorism was the oldest, bloodiest, and most resilient terrorism in the history of the United States.

Its justifications and its symbolism were rooted in the American national heritage, making its appeal to Americans orders of magnitude larger than Islamic terror could ever claim. Created by Grove Atlantic and Electric Literature.

Via Viking. By Spencer Ackerman. He has reported from the frontlines of Afghanistan, Iraq, and Guantanamo Bay. More Story.

March 12, 2000: Timothy McVeigh speaks

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